Moving towards Semi-Fascism in West Bengal

FROM THE STATES

exercise power by force, silencing all voices of reason. Banerjee trying to capture power needed the support of all the anti-left forces, but Banerjee in power needs only those who fl ex their muscles.

The Trinamool Congress is essentially a one-person show that is devoid of internal democracy. There is no party spokesperson other than Banerjee. No minister makes a statement without uttering her name at least thrice and she is the only one who speaks on behalf of all her ministers. Some say she is the ultimate authoritarian – incapable of accepting any censure. Indeed, her intolerance of cartoons portraying her borders on this. But what makes Banerjee different from the authoritarian fi gures seen in many other political parties and gives her clout in New Delhi is the power she demonstrated in overturning the Left Front, which had ruled West Bengal for 34 years.

At the time of the election people discussed the shortcomings of the Left Front regime. But the logic of participative democracy suggests it must have had some achievements if it remained in office for more than three decades. There was the success story of rural transformation through panchayats and the redistribution of land by means of land reforms. Rural to urban migration was contained to a large extent by the spread of employment opportunities in rural areas. The state also provided a cushion to distressed farmers, while there were reports of suicides by them in other parts of the country. After the government changed, the state has witnessed a series of suicides by farmers and also reportedly by workers whose wages had not been paid. Law and order in the state is in a precarious position with a lumpen raj calling the shots.

The experience of the people in the last three decades was different. One could argue that it was not the best, but it was definitely different. A salient feature was that they learnt to organise themselves through various mass organisations. These outfits were not all political or left-leaning in essence. Many of them were social and cultural, with the left regime providing a space for all kinds of groupings. One can hardly fi nd a person in the state who is not a part of an organisation, be it a trade union, an employees’ association, a students’ organisation, a youth organisation, a women’s organisation or a citizens’ organisation. These alliances were wellversed in the practice of participatory democracy and spoke for as well as against the state government. What Banerjee is afraid of is people being aware and exercising their rights. Oppression by the Left Front was a story that could be told before the poll, but it is difficult to keep repeating it after gaining power.

Power has been a new experience for the Trinamool Congress. The party and its leader were in the news internationally for defeating the Left Front. To maintain the tempo, Banerjee has to let loose her supporters on the people to make them forget the power of argument and their organisations. She also needs to silence opinion-makers in society such as teachers and educational institutions. Those who have social prestige and the potential to turn into critics of the government must be stigmatised. A convenient way of doing this is calling all such people communists.

Before the 2011 elections, the Trinamool Congress was charged with leading a hate campaign and murdering left supporters with the help of Maoists. The Maoist-Trinamool linkage was very clear in the Jangalmahal villages and the Maoists openly declared they wanted Banerjee to be the chief minister of Bengal. Both sides acted as joint agents to oust the Left Front. But with Banerjee in power, the Maoists have not been able to remain her allies. Yet, to the neo-liberal lobby in the country, she is welcome because she confronts the left, which has consistently opposed its brand of reforms.

Neither the extreme left nor the sushil samaj can be fully relied on to further Banerjee’s agenda. So what needs to be undone are the taste of democracy and power of participation the people have, and the strength of their organisations. By the time all of Kolkata’s landmarks acquire a new coat of blue paint, which the chief minister favours, its people could be reduced to voiceless spectators. There is already little room for protest or criticism. They are told to have no truck with the left, what newspapers to read and what channels to get their news from. A Trinamool minister has even reportedly called for a social boycott of the left. And, of course, all the government’s inadequacies will be the result of machinations by the devious left.