Origin

The Madari order existed long before the rebellion took place in 1770 AD. It originated in north India and gradually extended to other parts of Bengal. The earliest available account of Syed Badiuddin alias Shah Madar (the founder of this order) and his earliest khalifas (disciples) is Mirat-ul-Madari.4 Syed Badiuddin was born in Syria. His genealogical lineage reaches Prophet M uhammad. It was on the occasion of his pilgrimage to Medina, he was said to have heard an oracle from heaven:

Badiuddin, go to Hindustan and dedicate yourself for the welfare

of mankind.

Such was the legend of his visit to India. His vast knowledge in religious books, viz, Tarawait, Zubbar (the books of Moses and Engil), the Bible and his command over the religion helped him to be proficient in Sufism.

Growth and Diversification of the Order

The exact date of the advent of Syed Badiuddin in India is unknown. Since he was accompanied by Mir Ashraf Jahangir Simnani,

SPECIAL ARTICLE

the famous Indian Sufi saint, who came from Mecca to India during the reign of Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-88), it is certain that he reached India between 1351 and 1388. During his visits, he travelled to various places like Gujarat, Kokla Pahar, Ajmer, Kalpi, Jaunpur, Ghatampur (Uttar Pradesh), and finally, to Makwanpur in Kanpur district, where he died in 838 AH/1436 AD. Even the Sunya Puran5 of Ramai Pandit contains a reference as to the spread of the Madariya doctrines in western parts of Bengal.

Enamul Haq6 points out the fact that there are several places in Bengal named after him, presumably because he visited these places. Just before his death on 17, Jama-dil-Aiwal 838 AH, he entrusted the responsibility of maintaining his order to his nephew Syed Abu Muhammad Arghun. Subsequently, the trusteeship devolved on his younger nephews Syed Abu Torap Fansur and Syed Abul Hasan Taifur. The Sirate Madari,7 an Urdu source, gives us a detailed list of the khalifas of Makwanpur sharif, who acted successively as the representatives of Shah Madar. The descendants of Shah Madar are popularly known as khademans. They form one section of the Madari order and are in charge of the dargah at Makwanpur sharif (hence their name, which implies the trustees). The next important suborder which rose into prominence in the Madariya order was the dewangans. The name dewangan implied wandering ascetics who had given up everything in a fit of divine madness. The dewangan tariqa (order) began with Syed M uhammad Jamaluddin Jane Man Jannati. The two suborders, viz, ashiqans (seekers of love) and talibans (seekers of truth/knowledge), owed their existence to the initiatives of Kazi Motaher Kalleswari and Kazi Mahmud Kanturi. These four major groups (the earliest disciples of Shah Madar) were collectively known as the Madaris, but they carried out their duties in their own way.

The khademan’s main duty was to look after the dargah, to organise the fairs and festivals held on the occasion of urs and to act as intermediaries between saints and worshippers. Like the khademans, the talibans and ashiqans also followed a settled way of married life. Foreign travellers recorded the existence of such settled Madaris since the days of its origin. By contrast, the dewangans pursued the mendicant way of life as indicated by their murshids. In fact, the pir-murid (mentor and disciples) relationship initiated by Shah Madar began to multiply among the succeeding generations of his followers. The pir-murid relationship crystallised in this particular manner among the dewangans due to their punctilious attendance at all the urs and festivals. They considered it to be one of their sacred duties. Thus, there developed among them a need to travel from one dargah to another, since their period of origin.

The Congregation

The annual life cycle of the Madari fakirs revolved around their attendance at Makwanpur in Kanpur district on 17th Jama-dil-Aiwal (an Arabic month of Hijree calendar). Besides, Makwanpur, their other centres of congregation were various places of northern and eastern India, including Bengal and Bihar. From Makwanpur, they moved towards Akbarpur in Gorakhpur district and other dargahs situated in various parts of the north India. In July, they went to Bihar to attend the urs at the dargah of Syed Muhammad Jamaluddin and other unidentified dargahs situated near the jungles of Purnea. Then they might have moved towards Bengal to celebrate the urs and fairs at the dargahs situated in Malda, Dinajpur, Murshidabad and Bagura. From these places they either returned to their places of residence in north India and Nepal or went to eastern Bengal. Their common festival was so sensitive to the Madari fakirs that the people of Bengal, Deccan and other parts of India attended Makwanpur by shouting “Medini Shah Madar”, “Ya Ali, Ya Ali”, “Dam Madar, Dam M adar”. They used to remember Hajrat Ali, the fourth Caliph (khalifa) of Islam.

The customs and rituals observed by the dewangans are distinctive. They do not observe the shariati (Islamic scripture) rituals; their unorthodox outlook identified them with the be-shara group of fakirs. It is learnt from an oral discussion with the members of the dewangan suborder living in Makwanpur that though they model themselves on their immediate predecessors, in general, they follow the customs and manners of Syed Muhammad Jamaluddin, the founder of the order. The author had the occasion to meet a group of dewangans at the dargah of Shah Madar at Makwanpur (1998) whose lifestyle in many respects resemble that of their predecessors. The venerable old Pir Bulbul Shah (1998) considers the pir and dargah more important than the external rituals of Islam. The Madariya fakirs carried some insignia (symbols), which also established their identity as a beshara group of fakirs. They displayed the mahi-maratib (standard decorated with fish symbol), panjtan (five fingers), iron tongs, peacock’s feather, tiger’s skin, kashkol and kettledrum. The be- shariati outlook was highly condemned by the elite group of S ufis, like Chistis, Naqsbandis and Qadiriyas.

Syncretism

From the beginning, the Madari order was strongly influenced by the Hindu yogis. They used to rub ashes on their body, developed a habit of taking bhang (hemp), and wore shackles of iron chains round their waist, and in some respects, dressed like the Hindu sanyasis. Noting the strong elements of syncretism among the fakirs residing in Baliyadighi in Dinajpur, Sarat Chandra Mitra,8 the noted anthropologist, concluded that Hasan Muria Burhana, a noted Madari fakir (Burhana-lit, n aked, i e, subsection of the dewangans) retained many Hindu beliefs and practices, which he handed down to his followers and successors. In particular, the Madariya fakirs assimiliated the practice of Hindu yoga. Sufism in the medieval period imbibed Hindu ideas; particularly the influence of the nath yogis, and thus, a combined Hindu-Muslim culture emerged. The M adari order was a product of this process of acculturation. R ecently, Abul Kalam Zakaria9 has produced some archaeological proofs of the syncretic practices among the Madaris.

Madaris and State Power

The Madariya group of Sufis had cordial relations with the Mughal powers, and later on, in the colonial period with the B ritish Indian powers including Bengal. After the implementation of colonial rule in Bengal, they came into conflict for a short time with the local zamindars, East India Company’s forces and the

may 21, 2011 vol xlvi no 21

SPECIAL ARTICLE

EPW

SPECIAL ARTICLE

Aurangzeb, who sanctioned 300 bighas of land for the construction of a tomb on the burial ground of Saint Neckmard in Dinajpur. Moreover, he granted land to the ancestors of Bolaky Shah of Barishal.15 In fact, the assignment of lakhiraj tenures was very common among the Mughal emperors. Since the madad-i-maash grants were declared as hereditary, these tenures were also e njoyed by their successors. Buchanan-Hamilton recorded the existence of some groups of fakirs who were entitled to enjoy land in different parts of Bengal and Bihar.16 Even Maulavi Abdul Wali, a government official of the early 20th century came across a good number of fakirs in Baliyadighi in Dinajpur, who possessed lands as the successors of their former leaders.17

The nawabs and zamindars of Bengal also looked after the i nterest of the fakirs and it is learnt that Isha Khan, the Bengal z amindar and a contemporary of Akbar, defended the material interest of this religious order and other groups of fakirs. After Isha Khan’s death, his successor sanctioned Pargana Barbazee M erauna to Pir Shahen Shah, Gharana to Pir Shahzaman and Herana Serali in Mymensingh to an unknown fakir.18 In Rangpur, the native zamindars cared for the interests of the fakirs by sanctioning land. G C Dass has shown that the grants were o riginally intended as religious endowments.19 Similarly, Rani Bhawani and her ancestors of Rajshahi, conferred Pirottar on various communities including the fakirs. In Murshidabad and Malda, the fakirs held a large estate for the settlement of their Astanah.20

The trend was continued in some cases in the British period. The collector of Islamabad reported in 1782 that the fakirs were allowed to hold Mughal land-grants as hereditary rights to defray their daily expenses.21 Further, Amaum Ali Shah, as a successor of Hasan Muria Burhana of Baliyadighi in Dinajpur, continued to hold estate during the period of rebellion.

Privileges of Fakirs

In Bihar, the fakirs as beneficiaries enjoyed the rent-free tenures. Buchanan-Hamilton witnessed the existence of such privileged class of people as lakhiraj holders in different parts of Bihar.22 The assignment of lakhiraj tenures in Bihar may be corroborated by the official evidence of Mustafa Quli Khan, the rent collector of Beya in Saran.23 For example, 30 bighas of land in the village Tekooramur and Chinadur, conferred on the fakirs as madad-imaash long before the beginning of British rule continued to be e njoyed by them in the British period. Even the grants were d eclared as valid in British period.24 It is quite evident from the above discussion that the nobility looked after the material wellbeing of the fakirs by providing land for the building of the tombs of the pirs, and for the general assembly of the fakirs in connection with the urs and fairs.25

Even in the neighbouring countries of Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet, the Madariya fakirs received state patronage. The fakirs who had settled in Nepal for a long time had cordial relations with Raja Ranbahadur Shah, the gurkha ruler of Nepal. Though nothing is known regarding their relations in the pre-Company’s period, it is learnt that, in the later period, Raja Ranbahadur entertained insurgent leaders of the fakirs like Karim Shah, Musa Shah, Cherag Ali Shah and Subhan Ali Shah by providing land to them. The collector of Purnea reported in 1795 that, Karim Shah was given Mootre Pargana (near Rupila Gur) comprising a large tract of land where he built a mud fort.26 Ranbahadur also conferred two jungles, Aber and Beera, on him for the maintenance of 500 barkandazes and 200 swordsmen.27 Like Karim Shah, the later rebels Subhan Ali Shah, Rahim Shah and Anundy Shah received the favour of Ranbahadur. Tirhut Giri, one of the attendants of Subhan Ali gave evidence that Ranbahadur sanctioned a large tract of land to the above-mentioned fakirs. The fakirs also received favours from an unidentified gurkha chief of M orung.28 The collector of Rangpur reported that Musa Shah was given an extensive area by Ganga Ram, the gurkha chief of M orung.29 The assignment of such land grants to the fakirs is c orroborated by official evidence of the acting collector of Purnea, who recorded Musa Shah’s estate in 1789.30 Similarly, Karim Shah, Subhan Ali Shah and his followers were given land by the gurkha raja for an additional camp site as a security measure in Rangally and Kwaliah in Morung.31

There were other types of privileges, given as a favour to the Madari communities, viz, (1) the revenue of land, (2) pensions, and (3) contributions. These, no doubt, strengthened the economic background of the Madariya order. Documents, so far available to us, show that the Madariya fakirs were often given the privilege of management of the revenue collection from the endowed lands sanctioned for the performance of religious activities. According to a local tradition, a stretch of nine km area between Billor and Makwanpur, was vested in the Makwanpur dargah and the revenue derived from it was kept aside for personal expenses and religious activities of the Madariya fakirs.32 The fakirs by means of their religious activities were so influential that they enjoyed the revenue right of Jamalpur-Alda and Doomry, two villages in Bihar to defray their daily expenses. The Chaudhuries and Kanoongoes of Gyaspore Pargana in Bihar reported in 1782 that the fakirs controlled the revenues of that region.33 Similarly, 300 bighas of land close to Neckmard dargah in Dinajpur was brought under cultivation, the net income of which was declared to be spent in the interest of the fakirs.34

Siraj-ud-Daulla, the nawab of Bengal, provided for the bare subsistence for the fakirs. For example, Assoor Shah, a fakir, was sanctioned an allowance by virtue of a sanad.35 Siraj-ud-Daulla was so interested in the religious performances of the fakirs that most of them were granted pension hereditary right.36 Mirjafar (1757-60), the next nawab, in spite of his financial troubles, permitted the fakirs to draw their pension as sanctioned earlier. He even additionally issued orders for Shaikh Jewad Ali, Kullender Ali, Farzundee Alia and others to receive pension from the nawab’s treasury.37 The practice of giving monetary help to the fakirs from the nawab’s treasury continued during the British period. It appears that the sanad regarding Iman Shah’s pension was renewed during the regime of Nawab Mirkasim. There is evidence that the dues of other pension-holders among the fakirs were paid even during the later period. Like the Bengal Nawabs, Assad Ali Khan, the regional chief of Bihar used to entertain a group of f akirs by providing pension in the British period.38 The system of granting pension was also to be found in north India. It appears from the report of an adalat-judge at Gazipur that, in the later Mughal period, a sanad was issued to Lalloo Shah by the representative of the raja of Benares. Since the fakirs’ right of

may 21, 2011 vol xlvi no 21

Monetary Contribution

Monetary contribution was another form of privilege which the fakirs enjoyed in the Mughal period. The practice of levying contribution was officially sanctioned during the Mughal period. It was a sanad of prince Shuja, the fakirs were assured that both landlords and tenants would make contributions to them. So the fakirs’ demand for contribution during their pilgrimage in different parts of Bengal was complied with. This is corroborated by a letter of Shah Majnu written to Rani Bhavani of Nattore.42 The contents of the letter clearly reveal the privileged position which the fakirs enjoyed in the Mughal period. A district historian43 rightly observes that when the fakirs from other parts of India came to Bengal on a pilgrimage, they were entertained with half a dinner each as well as other provisions. For instance, on the occasion of the fair held at Neckmard dargah in Dinajpur, the fakirs used to collect tax from the visitors and the articles sold in the fair since the Mughal period.44 The system of “voluntary contribution” had in this way become a common practice among the zamindars and the rural population of Bengal. But due to the agrarian dislocation caused by the Bengal Famine of 1769-70 during the early British rule, such contributions fell into disuse. The fakirs’ attempt to the arrears of contribution was the prime cause of conflict between the zamindars and the peasants on the one hand, and the fakirs on the other.

Besides the above material privileges, the Madari order received honours, prestige and high titles from the Indian powers.45 There is no denying the fact that the religious background of the Madariya fakirs and the cult of Shah Madar, the founder of the Madari order, led the Indian princes to extend their patronage to them. Ibrahim Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur (1402-40) in northern India, received Shah Madar with respect and honour, while the latter reached Jaunpur on his way to pilgrimage.46 The fakir’s influence on Ibrahim Sharqi was no doubt very great and after his death the Jaunpur Sultan built a dargah of Shah Madar under the supervision of his wazir at Makwanpor in Kanpur district. He also conferred some gifts on Shah Madar during his lifetime as a mark of res pect and honour.47 Among the nobles, Sadar J ahan, the wazir of Ibrahim Sharqi, who invited Shah Madar from Kalpi to Jaunpur, and Ashraff Khan, the brother of the sultan, became devoted adherents of Shah Madar.48 Shaikh Siraj Shuktah, the spiritual guide of Kadir Shah and Sayyid Ashraf J ahangir Simnani, who had been disciples of Shaikh Alaul Haq of Bengal, later became the spiritual guide of Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi. It is said that Sayyid Ashraf Jahangir Simnani met Shah Madar in Mecca, and thus, they became friends.49 He made correspondence with Kazi Shihabuddin Daulatabadi,50 the most renowned man of learning and wisdom in the reign of Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi. It may be mentioned in this context that in the course of his pilgrimage from Kanauj to Kalpi.

Economic & Political Weekly

EPW

In Avadh, the fakirs were patronised by the nawab Asaf-ud-Daulla. Consequently, the fakirs could easily move to various parts of Avadh. They exercised a great influence upon the north Indian princes, and had an easy access to their kingdoms and principalities; hence, when they were driven out from Bengal by the British, they took refuge in various places of north India. In this context, Majnu Shah’s escape to Kanauj during the early phase of the fakir rebellion deserves a special mention. Shah Madar was also entertained with great honour by the deputy of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-87).

Similarly, the Mughal emperors were generous in their treatment of the Sufi saints belonging to different group. It is said that Babur, the founder of Mughal empire in India, made friends with a Sufi saint, and after his victory over Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar at Khanwa (1527 AD), endowed some Sufi saints with gifts. During Akbar’s reign, the Madariya fakirs enjoyed a high position and status in the field of religious activities. Madariya cult was then so popular that a contemporary poet Turabi showed reverence to Shah Madar in a poem which was inscribed on a stone at a sarai built in his honour.51 The original mausoleum or dargah of Shah Madar was renovated and enlarged by the Mughal monarchs since the time of Akbar down to Alamgir II. Shah J ahan and Aurangzeb, who were great patrons of the Madariya fakirs, donated a large cooking pot popularly known as degh, for the preparation of Sirni in the urs festival and a big kettledrum called Dal-madal for religious performance at Makwanpur.52 Aurangzeb helped the construction of a major portion of the mosques a ttached to the Makwanpur dargah. The same was the case with the Gwalior princes who presented valuable articles to Madariya fakirs attached to Makwanpur d argah. Besides, Mahadji Sindhia, the Maratha chief, favoured the Muslim fakirs and greatly depended on them in various matters. They practically acted as spiritual guides of the Maratha chief. S imilarly, Mirza Najaf Khan, the regent of Delhi (1775-78) used to visit the dargahs of Sufi saints as a mark of respect.

In Bengal, the Madariya order gained the favour of the sultan of Gour in Bengal and during the second half of the 15th century the Madariyas were able to spread their influence in eastern Bengal as far as Chittagong. It also appears that Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah of Gour (1433-59 AD) and the officials attached to his empire were great patrons of the Madariya fakirs.53 In the Mughal period, the memory of Neckmard was respected by state Gholaum Saklean has shown how the Mughal rulers and the nobles paid respects to the fakirs.54 In the middle of the 17th century they gained much favour from prince Muhammad Shuja, the Mughal governor of Bengal (1639-60) as the latter granted a sanad in 1659 to Hasan Muria Burhana, the representative of the Madariya order. It appears from the sanad that the performance of religious rites by the fakirs was given an official recognition.55 Their influence upon Shuja was so great that he rewarded them with the highest possible insignia of honour, i e, the Mahi-Maratib. The s anad was more dignified than the one which had been given to Shah Nimatullah Qadiri of Firrozepur, a famous Sufi saint of the Qadiriya order, who was supposed to be the spiritual guide of Shuja and his family.56 Like the Mughal emperors the nawabs and zamindars of Bengal also patronised the fakirs. It is learnt that Murshid Quli Khan, the Bengal nawab, was a genuine devotee

SPECIAL ARTICLE

Tolerance

with banners and arms. Bernier mentions that these wandering

think it advisable to adopt that measure (i e, of expelling the fakirs).59

fakirs, laden with heavy iron chains, sustain the rigours of long

may 21, 2011 vol xlvi no 21

an investigation report was issued for the validity of pension. It seems that at first the British did not question the fakir’s right to pension.

38 Enclosure, BO to William Cowper dated 27 October 1795, RDG, 6 November 1795, No 29; RDG, 25 May 1792, No 25, Register of Letter Received 1790, Rangpur district records, Vol XXXII, pp 385-95.

39 Translated copy of the sanad in: RDG, 16 December 1789, No 11; Arzee from the judge of the Adawlat Ghazipore: Correspondence and Proceedings of the Resident at Benares, Allahabad Regional Archives (CPRB), 4 December 1789, pp 39-53.

40 Abstract account of Saleanah and Rozenah for the month of July 1803 in the Enclosure of the Collector of Kanpur: BOR (Uttar Pradesh State Archives, Lucknow), 16 September 1803, para 97, No 52.

42 Letter of Shah Majnu to Rani Bhavani: CCRM, 27 January 1772. 43 Sengupta, op cit, p 49. 44 Collector, Dinajpore to William Cowper, dated

7 September 1793: BOR (Sayer) 15 November 1793, No 1.

45 Maulana Kazi Atahar Mobarak Puri, “Hazrat Mir Syed Ahmad Badpa” (in Urdu) Marif, No 145, January, Azamgarh, 1990.

46 Syed Hasan Askari, “The Mausoleum of a Saint of the Madari Order of Sufis at Hilsa”, Bihar, Bengal Past and Present, Vol IXVIII, Calcutta, 1949.

47 Ibrahim Sarqi presented some valuable articles, viz, ornaments and garment. This information was collected by the present author in 1990 from an oral statement made by the Pirzadas of the dargah of Shah Madar at Makwanpur in Kanpur.

48 Abdur Rahaman Chisti, Mirat-ul-Madari, p 33, Askari, “The Mausoleum of a Saint of Madari

o rder of Sufis at Hilsa”. 49 M M Haq, “Shah Badiuddin Madar and His Tariqah in Bengal”, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan,

Vol XII, No 1, Pakistan, 1967. 50 Abdur Rahaman Chisti, op cit, p 17.

Economic and Political Weekly,

320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013. email: circulation@epw.in

Economic & Political Weekly

EPW

may 21, 2011 vol xlvi no 21