COMMENTARY
Is Relative Size of Minority Population Linked to Underdevelopment?
Mohd Sanjeer Alam
Muslims far more than Muslims living elsewhere in the country. Six decades ago, Muslims were the majority community in the province of Bengal. But the partition of the country not only reduced the community to a minority but also took away its psychological advantage and capacity for leadership. Third, West Bengal has had Left Front (LF) governments for more than
West Bengal provides a good context to examine whether the relative size of a minority population is linked to underdevelopment. The association between the size of the Muslim population and deficiency in social and physical infrastructure remains consistent at all levels in the state. No matter what the scale or context, the relative size of the Muslim population is inversely associated with the availability of amenities, a pattern that defies theoretical expectations and calls for further investigation.
Mohd Sanjeer Alam (sanjeer.alam@gmail.com) is at Lokniti, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi.
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The objective of this paper is to delve deeper into the hypothesis that even if there appears to exist a relationship between the relative size of the Muslim population and underdevelopment at the macro level, it does not hold good at lower levels. The state of West Bengal is chosen to test this basic premise. The rationale for the choice of West Bengal rests on the following factors. First, Muslims constitute over a quarter of the population of the state. Though they are unevenly distributed across the state, there are many areas with a relatively high concentration of Muslims. Second, historical processes have affected Bengali
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30 years. Ideologically, the governance is religion-blind and guided by the principles of secularism. Arguably, the adherence of the LF to secular principles has so far remained uncontested. It is claimed that the progressive policies undertaken by the LF have equally benefited the poorer sections among both Hindus and Muslims (Dasgupta 2007). Fourth, local self-government/ panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) have been functioning in the state for more than 30 years. These institutions are said to have played an important role in enhancing political consciousness and participation, mobilising resources and shaping the priorities of development at local levels (Lieten 1996). And finally, the minority issue has now assumed significance in the state’s political discourse, mainly due to the SCR remarking that the most glaring cases of deprivation of Muslims are found in West Bengal.
Theoretical Perspectives
The association between the relative size of a minority group and measures of inequalities or deprivation is explained in many ways. However, three of them are quite prominent in the literature on development and unequal ethnic relations. Broadly, they could be classified as (a) invidious discrimination, (b) the dynamics of power relations, and (c) the culture of despondency.
The discrimination thesis states that the larger the size of a culturally distinct minority group, the more likely that the majority will perceive it as an economic or political threat (Blalock 1967). As a corollary to this, discriminatory behaviour by the majority will be more intense. Such defensive discrimination finally leads to the exclusion of minorities from distributive benefits. However, part of the discriminatory effect will be mitigated when the size of the minority group reaches a critical threshold. This is primarily
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because the minority group by virtue of its numerical strength can develop “forms” and “organs” that contribute to its promotion and welfare. But given that political representatives influence the allocation and distribution of public resources, the majority community is likely to be preferred (Betancourt and Gleason 2000).
The power relation thesis maintains that the increasing size of minority groups leads to a competition for scarce resources. As minority groups are generally poor in human and other forms of capital, there are significant power differences between them and the majority group. In such a situation, the stronger group (the majority) is able to deny the weaker one (the minority) of crucial resources, especially those needed for building human capital. The condition is not improved by the state because power is in the hands of wealthier groups, which are unwilling to redistribute resources to others (Mitra 1992; Chakravorty 2006).
The third explanation lies in characteristics of the minority group that may be called a “culture of despondency”. It is argued that there is a distinct culture of poverty, deprivation and despondency, which is sustained not only by external factors but also by a group’s value system and preferences (Lewis 1966). Such a culture of despondency becomes hereditary, passing through familial lines from one generation to another. It is these characteristics (cultural) of the minority group that hinder it from taking advantage of the available opportunities rather than relying on its minority status. Given that the provision of some amenities and services depends on the demand for them, the growing size of a minority group with a static value system lowers the demand for these services and thus leads to underdevelopment.
Bengali Muslims: An Overview
Islam came to Bengal when the Sena dynasty was ousted by Turko-Afghan chieftains in the first decade of the 13th century. Muslims began to hold crucial political and administrative posts in the new ruling hierarchy and mostly settled
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down in cities like Gaur, Pandua, Satgaon, Sonargaon and Chittagong. They preferred living in urban centres and were not very willing to mix with the rural populace as their prime goal was to consolidate their own political power under the Sultan or the provincial ruler in a territory inhabited by non-Muslims (Dasgupta 2009). However, a comprehensive political ideology appealing to all appeared during the rule of Ilyas Shah (1342-58), who evolved a stable and secular modus vivendi with Bengali society and culture. Thus a mutually satisfactory patron-client relationship became politically institutionalised and the state systematically patronised the culture of the subject population (Eaton 1993). The Mughal rulers were largely concerned with consolidating their authority and did not actively interfere with the existing socio-cultural environment. However, it was around this time that there emerged a vast Muslim peasantry in the lower deltaic region, which swelled the ranks of the minority population (ibid). At some point of time after this, the
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Muslims exceeded Hindus to become the majority community.
At the time of the 1941 Census, Muslims accounted for about 55% of the population of Bengal. They were predominantly concentrated in East Bengal, now Bangladesh. Of the 28 districts in Bengal in 1941, they were a majority in as many as 16. They were an overwhelming majority in the districts of Bogra (84%), Noakhali (81.4%), Tippera (77.8%), Maymensingh (77.4%), Pabna (77.1%), Rajsahi (74.6%), Chittagong (74.6%), Bakarganj (72.3%), Rangpur (71.4%), Dacca (67.3%), Faridpur (64.8%), Nadia (61.2%) and Jessore (60.4%). They were also numerically more in the districts of Malda (56.8%), Murshidabad (56.6%) and Dinajpur (50.2%). In a number of districts, including Khulna, 24 Parganas, Birbhum and Jalpaiguri, they were a minority but numerically quite significant. In the wake of Partition in 1947, all the Muslim-majority districts, except Murshidabad, Malda, Dinajpur and Nadia, became part of East Pakistan. With this, the demographic pattern of the Muslim community in West Bengal was altered, as were power relations.
Post-Partition, the proportion of Muslims in West Bengal fell below one-fifth of the total population.2 Murshidabad became the lone district with a majority of Muslims. With a population of 20.2 million, according to the 2001 Census, Muslims constituted about a quarter of the state’s population and also accounted for a quarter of the Muslim population in the country. A huge majority of them (80%) dwelled in rural areas against 72% of the state’s population as a whole. In the state’s 18 districts, they constituted about one-fifth of the population in 12. In the districts of Malda and Uttar Dinajpur, they were slightly less than half the population. They were numerically quite significant in South 24 Parganas and Birbhum, where they accounted for over one-third of the population.
The Muslims of West Bengal are a constituent of pan-India Islam and yet form a distinctive community, for they differ from Muslims outside the state in many ways. In many of their sociocultural attributes, they are much closer to non-Muslim fellow Bengalis than Muslims elsewhere. An overwhelming majority of them cite Bengali, the language spoken
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by the vast majority of people in the state, as their mother tongue. Their mannerisms and dietary habits, the clothes they wear, and the houses they live in are all deeply rooted in the local sociocultural milieu. Politically, they have actively taken part in mainstream politics by aligning themselves with national secular parties such as the Congress and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (Dasgupta 2009).
Relative Size of Minority Population and Underdevelopment
There are many ways of measuring development or underdevelopment. Here, underdevelopment is measured in terms of the availability or lack of social and physical infrastructure facilities.3 The availability of certain social and physical infrastructure facilities or a lack of them is considered to have an important bearing on human and social development.4 However, the deficiency of amenities and services is difficult to measure, particularly in rural areas, for two reasons. One, villages are not uniform in size across the state or the districts within it. Two, for reasons of viability and economies of scale, the establishment of infrastructure tends to be biased in favour of large villages. Thus, the larger villages are more likely to have better infrastructure facilities than the smaller ones. To avoid this analytical problem, we have relied on the ratio of population to specified amenities at each scale of analysis. For example, if the ratio of population to amenities in a district is higher than the state average, it would mean that the district is relatively deficient in terms of amenities.
The relative size of a minority population and its association with the availability or lack of amenities can be examined in a number of ways. Generally, the hypothesised association is seen and talked about at a macro level, which is problematic and misleading as well. For one thing, aggregation often does not reflect the micro-level picture. Results obtained at the macro or meso level are prone to what is known as “ecological fallacy” (Robinson 1950). In other words, associations or causal connections that are observed on one scale may not hold true for larger or smaller scales. It is suggested
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that inter-group dynamics can best be captured and understood at micro or local rather than macro or meso scales (Chakravorty 2006). Second, no group functions in an isolated context. The behaviour of a group or its response to prevailing socio-economic conditions depends on the situations it is in. In many cases, it is possible that the underdevelopment of areas where there is a higher concentration of the social group in question is largely due to “ecological constraints” rather than its overwhelming presence. The pattern observed in such enclaves or areas might not hold true in other contexts, in particular, where there is a wider diffusion of social and physical infrastructure.
Keeping in view the above concerns, the hypothesised association between the relative size of a minority population and the lack of amenities is examined here in a multi-level or multilayered framework – macro, meso and micro levels. Macro level (L1) investigation involves regrouping spatial units into different clusters based on the proportion of Muslims in the total population. In Indian states, it is the district administration that determines the allocation of crucial resources at the lower levels under its jurisdiction. The districts are therefore grouped into different clusters. Although the clusters are at best illustrative rather than representative of the situation, they nevertheless offer some useful insights. The second tier (L2) focuses on how the hypothesised association works in a developed context. One would expect that in a context marked by higher levels of socio-economic development and wider diffusion of amenities, the minority groups will also be benefited by the processes of development. Finally, the third level of inquiry (L3) is at the block level, the unit of administration below the district. The administration at the block level monitors and implements developmental activities at the panchayat or village level. More important, at this level, there might be some blocks where the minority group actually forms the majority and by virtue of its numerical strength can organise to influence the allocation of public goods and services in its favour.
Table 1 (p 20) presents the ratio of population to amenities and infrastructure
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| Table 1: Ratio of Population to Amenities in Different Clusters | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Clusters (Proportion of Muslims) | Number of Districts | Average Population | Average Population | Average Population | Average Population |
| (000) Per Primary | (000) Per Post Office | (000) Per Health | (000) Per Bank | ||
| School (Rural) | (Rural) | Centre (Rural)* | Office** | ||
| I- (less than 20%) | 7 | 1.6 | 3.8 | 8.2 | 21.0 |
| II- (20% to 25%) | 4 | 2.4 | 5.3 | 10.4 | 23.8 |
| II-I (above 25% ) | 6 | 2.6 | 5.3 | 12.0 | 27.8 |
| West Bengal | 17 | 2.0 | 4.5 | 9.7 | 23.0 |
*Health centres include both primary health centres and sub-centres in villages as in 2001; ** Bank offices include both commercial and gramin banks as in 2005 and the average population is calculated on the basis of the 2001 population. Actual average population per bank office was 19,000. Here, the higher average population than actual is due to exclusion of Kolkata district where the average population per bank office was 5,000. Sources: Census of India, 2001; District Profile, Development and Planning Department, Government of West Bengal.
Table 2: Ratio of Population to Amenities in Greater Kolkata Region
The ratio of population to amenities worsens progressively with an increasing proportion of Muslims in the clusters.
Table 2 presents availability of, or deficiency in, amenities in the districts that form the Greater Kolkata region.5 This region is marked by a higher literacy rate, a greater availability of socio-economic opportunities, higher levels of infrastructure facilities and higher levels of socioeconomic development.6 It can be observed
Districts % Muslims Average Population Average Population Average Population Average Population % Rural Households that even in the highly developed region Per Primary School Per Post Office Per Health Per Bank Office ** Electrified (Rural) (Rural) Centre (Rural)* of Greater Kolkata, the relative size of the
Hugli 15.1 2.1 3.1 7.6 21.0 49.2 Muslim population seems to influence dis-
North 24 Parganas 24.2 2.9 5.2 10.9 25.0 33.0
tribution of amenities. The pattern observed
Haora 24.4 3.1 5.8 10.8 20.0 62.1
at L1 seems to reoccur, that is, the larger
Nadia 25.4 3.2 6.1 19.6 27.0 32.1
the size of the Muslim population, the more
South 24 Parganas 33.2 3.3 6.3 10.4 32.0 20.3
the ratio of population to amenities, indi-
Average – 2.9 5.1 10.8 25.0 35.2
cating a situation of deficiency. The proc
* Health centres include primary health centres and sub-centres in rural areas as in 2001; ** Bank offices include commercial and gramin bank as in 2005 and the ratio is calculated for the population in 2001.
esses of development, thus, seem to be in-
Source: Census of India, 2001; Government of India; District Profile, Development and Planning Department, Government of West Bengal.
fluenced by the dynamics of the social facilities in different clusters. It can be the proportion of Muslims averages less demography of a given geographical space. observed that the deficiency in social than 20% of the population, there was, on As pointed out in the beginning, the infrastructure measured in terms of the an average, a primary school for every pattern observed at upper levels might not ratio of population to amenities increases 1,600 people; a post office for every 3,800 be the same at lower levels because there with an increasing proportion of Muslims people; a health centre for every 8,200 could be many blocks with a substantially in the clusters. In the first cluster, which people, and a bank office for every 21,000 higher proportion of Muslims. With strength includes as many as seven districts where people, much better than the state average. in numbers, the community would be able
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COMMENTARY
to influence the allocation of publicly pro-population and underdevelopment at the vided amenities and services in accord-macro level, the same pattern would not ance with its preferences. This is particu-follow at lower levels. If this had larly true in West Bengal, where local happened, it could have been reasonably
Table 3: Ratio of Population to Amenities in Blocks of Birbhum District
| % Muslims in Blocks | No of Blocks | Average Population | Average Population | Average Population | Average Population |
| (0000) Per Primary | (000) Per Post Office | (000) Per PHC (Rural)* | Per Bank Office ** | ||
| School (Rural) | (Rural) | ||||
| Less than 25% | 5 | 1.0 | 5.5 | 11.5 | 31.9 |
| 25-40% | 8 | 1.1 | 7.3 | 13.1 | 31.7 |
| Above 40% | 6 | 1.5 | 5.4 | 20.7 | 41.4 |
| Birbhum | 19 | 1.2 | 6.0 | 14.5 | 34.5 |
Figures for amenities pertain to 2003-04 and the ratio is calculated for the population in 2001. Sources: Bureau of Applied Economics and Statistics (2004), Government of West Bengal.
representatives are instrumental in allocating and distributing some amenities provided by the government. Table 3 shows the ratio of population to amenities in the blocks of Birbhum district.7 However, the pattern observed at upper levels remains consistent down to the block level. The conditions of the minority community do not improve even where they are a majority or their numerical strength is substantially high. It almost seems as though the demographic edge contributes to their deprivation rather than mitigating it.
From the above discussion, it becomes clear that the relative size of the Muslim population is inversely associated with the availability of amenities; no matter what the scale or context is. At this stage, it is difficult to explain what underlies this association. Taking cues from the theoretical propositions discussed above, empirical research at the micro level would be able to uncover what this association can be attributed to. Are there any systemic biases in the allocation of publicly provided goods and services? Or is it the dynamics of inter-group relations, where political representatives, who in collaboration with state officials, determine the allocation and distribution of public resources prefer their own communities, neglecting the needs of the minority group? Or is it the minority community’s culture of despondency that limits the demand for publicly provided goods and services?
Conclusions
This paper sought to examine whether the relative size of the minority population is linked to underdevelopment in various contexts. It began with the assumption that even if an association seems to exist between the relative size of the minority
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concluded that the generalisations made at macro or meso levels linking the relative size of the minority population with underdevelopment are fallacious. More so because the structures and processes that create, sustain and reinforce intergroup inequality are variable and prone to change across contexts.
However, in West Bengal, the association between the relative size of the Muslim population and relative deficiency in social and physical infrastructure remains consistent at all levels. The larger the proportion of Muslims, the higher the level of deficiency (a higher ratio of population to amenities/infrastructure/services). The relationship remains consistent even in contexts where there is a wide diffusion of amenities and infrastructure facilities. It is also prevalent in contexts where the minority community’s size in the population is large enough to influence allocation and distribution of various amenities and services provided by the state government. Thus the pattern observed defies theoretical expectations and calls for further investigation into the nuances that shape intergroup relations, and maintain and reinforce the minority group’s unequal access to publicly provided goods and services.
Notes
1 The problem with such claims is that they are made on the basis of results obtained at the macro level and assume that the same situation prevails at lower levels. There could be many situations at lower levels where the socio-economic differentials between the majority and minority groups are not only negligible but also where the minority group is more advanced socially and economically than the majority group.
2 See Census of India, 1951, Vol 6, West Bengal, Sikkim and Chandernagore, Part II, 445.
3 Social infrastructure refers to the provision of primary schools and healthcare facilities, while physical infrastructure refers to amenities/services such as electricity, roads, post and telegraph, banks and so on.
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4 Recognising the importance of the social infrastructure as a crucial input for human development, the Fifth Five-Year Plan introduced a programme called “Basic Minimum Needs Programme”. The components of the programme included, among other things, universalisation of elementary education, health, electricity, roads and water supply in rural areas. The programme aimed at providing schools within settlements or in a radius of one kilometre from settlements. In the field of healthcare, a subcentre was to be set up for a population 3,000 to 5,000 and a primary health centre for a population
ranging from 20,000 to 30,000 depending on terrain and location (Planning Commission of India, Government of India).
5 Kolkata district has not been included because it does not have a rural population and does not compare with other districts of the region.
6 It is observed that the levels of development in the districts/regions of West Bengal are the function of the distance of the districts/regions from Kolkata. Also see West Bengal Human Development Report 2004, Government of West Bengal.
7 Birbhum is a middle-ranking district of West Bengal in terms of socio-economic development. Muslims account for 35% of the total population of the district. Of the 19 blocks in the district, the Muslim population is substantially high (above 40%) in six.
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