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Andhra Assembly Elections Congress and TDP

In these circumstances what may one expect from the water users' cooperatives formed compulsorily for construction and maintenance of the irrigation network and distribution of water below the distributary head, howsoever laudable its objectives may be? Members of the co-operatives so formed are bound to ask for credit for construction of the distribution network below the distributary head and for all one knows such loans may also turn into bad debts to be written off finally. The best bet perhaps lies in attempting to form water users' associations below the outlet for the distribution of a given volume of water spread over a rotation with a constant flow from the system above the outlet head.

NTR Ratham Grinds to a Halt

and malingering. But they refuse to count the cost of credit-financed liberalised imports at inflated prices, subsidised exports of commodities which do not enjoy comparative advantage in foreign markets and extravagant spending of the government by reckless deficit financing which has characterised the Rajiv government's management of the economy.

ANDHRA PRADESH-Changed Political Calculations

THE sudden announcement of the elections put both the Congress(I) and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) in a quandary in Andhra Pradesh, The simultaneous poll to the Lok Sabha and the state assembly further upset the electoral calculations of all political parties in the state.

Entrance System for Elimination

M Shatrugna The entrance examination as the sole basis of selection for postgraduate courses is illogical and meaningless. By conducting such examinations universities are dishonouring their own first degrees.

NTR and the Naxalites

Now it is Telugu Desam Party activists, vulnerable to the wrath of the naxalites in the rural areas, who have been urging Rama Rao to put an end to the killing of suspected naxalites in false 'encounters' and to punish law-breaking police personnel guilty of committing atrocities on the people.

Mayhem at Jayapuram

order, there is no use making demands on the developed countries. Bargaining with the North in the prevailing conditions has to be on the basis of giving something to the stronger side first and then asking for a return gift, presumably not so much as a right but as more of a charity. In the frame of such a negotiating position, inter-dependence cannot but be a euphemism for abject dependence It also means that India is opting out of the third world and instead of playing a positive role in the G-77 and the non-aligned movement, India will be flaunting the banner of a medium developing country and in that capacity will be ready and willing to act as a honest broker in the world economic order ordained by the G-7 and multinational corporations; It cannot, therefore, be fortuitous that India is playing an ambivalent role in the Uruguay Round of GATT. It is willing to adjust to the demands of the developed countries on the question of intellectual property rights and trade in services. The hard-won principle of non-reciprocity in economic exchanges between the developing and developed countries is being relegated to the background even as the developed countries are imposing trade sanctions, introducing stiff conditionality clauses on technology and capital flows and raising protectionist barriers against the developing countries. The newly- discovered fascination for liberalisation in the domestic economy and the strident support for multilateralism in foreign trade is indeed ominous in the context of the drift towards a debt trap, internal and external, and accelerated pace of structural adjustment process at work in India.

Privatising Higher Education

The revision of the decades-old grant-in-aid code for schools and colleges and the decision to set up an Institute for Professional Studies in the private sector constitute two major steps by the Telugu Desam government to privatise higher education in Andhra Pradesh.

Dubious Bounty to Telangana

Innovations', February 1982, p 9, 5 Eklavya, Annual Report 1982 83, p 8.
6 There are my deductions on siudying the operational breakdown of the budget. Vinod Raina commented that these were not entirely correct, but, in the absence of further elucidations from him, l have retained my original analysis, 7 Friends Rural Centre and Kishore Bharati, 'District Level Testing of the Hoshangabad Science Teaching Programme, June 1978, P2- 8 Eklavya, Annual Reports.

A Pampered Lot

M Shatrugna The scheduled castes are by and large moving away from the TDP and the 'backward classes' have become the primary supporters of NTR. This may help to explain the Andhra government's 'social welfare' expenditure allocations.

Blow to University Autonomy

THE Telugu Desam government in the last five years of its rule has brought about a number of changes in the education setup in the state, most of them undemocratic and retrograde Two years ago it had appointed the well known Vice-Chancellors' Committee which had brought out a thoroughly disgraceful document on higher education in the state. Based on the recommendations of the VCs' report, the Commissionerate of Higher Education was set up with K Ramakrishna Rao of Andhra University as the chairman. The commissionerate set-up, apart from being undemocratic had all the features of a siiper-university. Though it was supposed to be autonomous, all its members were nominated by the government. Neither the existing universities nor the teachers' bodies were consulted before the formation of the commissionerate.The commissionerate was vested with financial, administrative and academic powers and was given wide-ranging powers to ride roughshod over the autonomy of the universities. Additionally it was given powers to transfer teachers from one college to another. As was to be expected, the act which brought into being the commis- sionerate was struck down by the supreme court last year on a petition filed by the Osmania University Teachers Association (OUTA). But the joy of the teaching community in the state was short-lived.

TDP Consolidates Rural Vote

economic need than a desire to use spare time to obtain some independent income, without incurring male disapproval. The same class of women were found working in centres which had been opened for 6-spindle NMCs. Daily earnings of Rs 3-5 depending on the spinner's application and sliver availability was mostly regarded as a source of 'pocket money' or something to be saved for a daughter's (or one's own) wedding.

Backward Class Support for Telugu Desam Intact

others on the issue of the zilla parishad elections, he does not seem to be in a mood to concede their demand that Chavan be replaced immediately to save the state Con- gress(I) from further factionalism and possibly a vertical organisational split. This has disconcerted Pawar and Patil, Now that the zilla parishad elections have been put off. will the state Congress(I) remain reasonably united under Chavan's stewardship after Chavan is granted permission by the prime minister to expand his council of ministers? Chavan has more than once conceded to his close followers in the government and the party that there is no alternative to Sharad Pawar in the state Con- gress(I). Chavan has even said that he expected to be chief minister till 1989 and not beyond. But he wants to stay in power until he has secured firm assurances from Sharad Pawar in regard to the political future of his son, Ashok, who is now an MP and that of a number of his dose followers in the party like Babasaheb Vikhe-Patil, MP and sugar co-operative chieftain.


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