ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

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Communal Violence in Muzaffarnagar

The scale of communal violence in Muzaffarnagar in August-September 2013 was unprecedented in the villages of western Uttar Pradesh after partition. It happened due to what Paul R Brass conceptualised as the institutional riot system, which until the Muzaffarnagar riot was understood to be primarily an urban phenomenon. The growth of the IRS, a post-green revolution phenomenon, that is, since the 1980s in western UP, was on account of the emergence of new classes in the villages, and changes in the nature of rural-urban relations. The Lok Sabha elections of 2014 provided a suitable context for the rural IRS to operate.

Karpoori Thakur: A Socialist Leader in the Hindi Belt

Born in a poor Nai (barber) family, Karpoori Thakur, a committed socialist, played an important role in politics of Bihar for more than four decades between the 1950s and 1980s. He introduced controversial policies of reservation (the "Karpoori Thakur Formula") and on language and employment, when he was chief minister of Bihar twice and deputy chief minister once during the 1970s. His political career passed through three phases: in the first he enjoyed support from most caste groups, in the second he got identified as a leader of the Other Backward Classes, in the third he was in search of a support base, especially among the most backward classes, dalits and the poor, as a section of the dominant OBCs had turned away from him. The politics of Bihar since the 1990s cannot be delinked from the legacy of Karpoori Thakur.

Politics of Harit Pradesh

The demand for Harit Pradesh, to be carved out of 17 districts of western UP, has received a boost following the creation of three new states in 2000. This paper looks at certain issues relating to the demand for Harit Pradesh and argues that the demand in turn, intertwined in the politics of region and caste in UP, is also spearheaded by a section of the jats of western UP. Though the agitation has now moved into its second phase, mobilisation is as yet confined to leaders of a few key communities and social groups, and in recent years, has also been beset with intra-jat conflict.

Ambedkarisation and Assertion of Dalit Identity-Socio-Cultural Protest in Meerut District of Western Uttar Pradesh

Socio-Cultural Protest in Meerut District of Western Uttar Pradesh Jagpal Singh The dalits of western Uttar Pradesh, particularly the jatavs, have resorted to diverse means to register their protest and also achieve improvement in their living standards. Religious conversion, supporting mainstream political parties or parties having datit leadership and launching socio-cultural organisations are some of the strategies adopted by the jatavs to redress their grievances. Though, currently, the Bahujan Samaj Party commands the allegiance of a large number of jatavs, it should not be overlooked that the roots of self-assertion of jatavs of western UP go back to the process of Ambedkarisation initiated by the Republican Party of India in the 1960s.

Dalits in Haryana Politics

part must realise that market-dictated changes are inevitable. Every city needs to recycle land, particularly when an industry is no longer viable. The decline of manufacturing in Mumbai and more so the textile industry is a foregone conclusion. Wisdom lies therefore in standing up not for the protection of the textile industry, but for compensation and rehabilitation.

Politicisation of Dalits and Most Backward Castes-Study of Social Conflict and Political Preferences in Four Villages of Meerut District

Study of Social Conflict and Political Preferences in Four Villages of Meerut District Sudba Pai Jagpal Singh Socio-cultural process of Ambedkarisation has given rise to a new generation of politically conscious jatavs in west Uttar Pradesh. In contrast, the most backward castes who constitute a large number among the backwards, have yet to assume a distinct identity. The OBCs like yadavs, kurmis, gujars are assertive today but the MBCs still do not have a forum for articulation of their grievances. These developments have led to conflict between the dalits and the OBCs on the one hand, and sharpened identities between the dalits and the MBCs on the other SINCE the early 1980s Uttar Pradesh (UP) has experienced politicisation of the dalits and in recent years the most backward castes (MBCs).' The former mobilised by the BSP, and under the impact of the socio-cultural process of 'Ambedkarisation' have thrown up a new generation which is politically conscious, better educated, upwardly mobile, and very aggressive towards those above them in the caste/class hierarchy (Singh 1994], This process is most marked among the jatav/chamars than other groups such as the balmikis, In contrast, the MBCs who constitute a large number among the backwards have yet to assume a distinct and collective identity. While the OBCs like the yadavs, lodhs, kurmis and gujars, who have been mobilised in the west UP plains by political parties since the 1960s, are today the most assertive among the backwards, the MBCs such as the gadarias, jogis, dhiwars, nais, kumhars, etc, still do not have their own forum for articulation of their specific needs. These developments have led to conflict between the dalits and the OBCs on the one hand, and sharpened identities between the dalits and the MBCs on the other. The emergence of these numerically large underprivileged groups has contributed to the erosion of the Congress and the rise of new parties during the last one-and-a-half decades.

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