Articles by Ashim Kumar Roy

factor income, and if, 'net income' so obtained is deflated further by the index of wholesale prices of all commodities, as is done in the study quoted, declining or even 'negative income' is to be expected,parti- cularly when the price of wheat relative to the wholesale price index has been declining. What is showing a decline is really the deflated net profit after the remuneration to own as well as hired factors of production- land, labour and capital

almost exactly the same. The authors come to the conclusion

Independence India and the political consequences it led to. He tabulates the comparative assets of various industrial houses from 1972 to 1981 to show how private capital accumulation has taken place and with what political repercussions. He points out, "An understanding of the relative strength of the urban and rural bourgeois class, their class unity and mutual relationship and the role of foreign capital in Indian economy will be of great help in grasping the specific character of the Indian state. It should, however, be mentioned that the Indian state has been performing a decisive role in the alignment and realignment of these classes!' Shakir has not, regrettably, dealt with the role of multi-nationals in Indian politics which is certainly of no mean dimension today, It is, in my view, increasing both in depth and breadth. The role of multi-nationals has considerably increased since Rajiv Gandhi took over and certainly needs to be looked into carefully to understand the emerging trends in Indian politics, Moin Shakir also maintains that "the state in India has not developed to the point of autonomy and is not the state of all the classes or people. It is the state which serves the interests of the propertied classes in society". While this assertion is by and large true, there is more to it than has been asserted by the author. The state, it must be understood, as long as its character is democratic, does develop a limited degree of autonomy. Again it is necessary to understand this phenomenon in all its complexity. The popular pressures in a democratic political set up like that of India do affect the policy of the state, These pressures cannot be completely ignored. This is reflected in various land and labour legislations. However, it does not mean that the state can wrench itself free from the clutches of big capitalist-landlord interests. Far from it.

January 25, 1986 he discusses 'From Ethnicity to Regionalism', describing the regional movement in Chota- nagpur as the only developed form deserving attention (and correctly so), and characterising that as a 'separatist movement'. The categorisation itself speaks of Singh's inclination. Should one apply the same standard for the privileged mainstream of the country, the movement for the creation of Bihar led by Rajendra Prasad was a separatist movement and though it mobilised the core of the Bihari intelligentsia from the freedom movement it needs to be seen as counterposcd to the latter, Singh's close association with the Chotanagpur region is reflected in an enormous volume of information and in a really multi-dimensional approach towards understanding the regional movement. But for his sectarianism, the chapter 'From Ethnicity to Regionalism' would have been a commen dable study. This must not be misconstrued as suggesting that he adopts an attitude of condemnation towards these movements. Far from that, he has appealed vehemently for proper appreciation of many genuine problems raised by them. "Tolerance is a quality without which we can hardly survive as a nation'' is his motto. Yet, as I have shown, he uses different standards for his own community and for the tribals; the concern smacks of paternalism. The point is important because in this attitude Singh is the company of the great majority of our pro-people intelligentsia. Probably it is time to think of the role we

the household sector is a lagged function of the national income and the terms of trade between agriculture and industry. Gross capital formation in the corporate sector depends on the national income and the terms of trade of the previous year, with the terms of trade exercising a negative influence on profitability and investment. The savings of the public sector are determined, with a year's lag, positively by the national income and negatively by the foodgrains terms of trade. Gross capital formation in the public sector depends on the sector's saving and the capital inflows from abroad, with a time-trend added to indicate the planning authorities' deliberate decision to increase investment. The output of basic and capital goods is negatively influenced by the import of such goods and of course positively by the gross capital form- ation. Then, finally, the total industrial production is a function of the outputs of consumer and capital goods, but it is not an identity because the output of intermediate goods is taken as determined by the other two components.