ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

Articles by Asghar Ali EngineerSubscribe to Asghar Ali Engineer

Muslims, BJP and Lok Sabha Elections

situation in the state has deterred the private sector projects from choosing Bihar as the location.
The experience of inter-state exchange of power is also not encouraging. As S N Roy has brought out (The Economic Times, January 28,1998), there are apprehensions that surplus power may not be utilised except in certain emergency conditions. He ascribes this to high cost of power. For example, in the case of the Andhra Pradesh State Electricity Board, the cost of imported power, after accounting for the distribution losses, worked out to Rs 4 per unit at consumers' end against the average sale rate of less than Rs 2. Roy has therefore argued that the cost of power should be worked out on the marginal cost basis to encourage regular power exchanges. He has further suggested that the total incidence of wheeling charges should not form part of the cost of power. According to him, all existing DC links will continue to operate at part load only and the wheeling charges alone may exceed Re 1 per unit on the heavy investment being made to establish such links, He suggests that viability of DC links should not be the criteria in the interest of power exchanges. He argues that if these relaxations are not allowed, there may not be any flow of power from surplus to deficit regions.

Communalism and Communal Violence, 1997

Violence, 1997 Asghar Ali Engineer IT is true that in the post-Babri period there have been no major riots in India, But it will not be correct to maintain that the period has been entirely free of communal violence either. Each year during this period there have been communal skirmishes in different parts of India. But it is true that there have been no major planned riots and the riots which have taken place were not only unplanned but also were not backed by any political party. In 1997 too, most of the riots except the one in Coimbatore in the first week of December were on smaller scale and apparently without any backing from any political party.

BANGLADESH-Bold Court Judgments on Muslim Women

enhances emotional stress and tensions.
To compound matters, in Jamabaihar village, all land is owned by a single bhumihar landlord. Though originally their own, inability to pay revenue, made the bhumihar intervene and do so. Gradually, along with the revenue receipts, he also got the land recorded in his own name, rendering the local people landless. The women lease in the same land from the bhumihar, but in the absence of irrigation are able to cultivate only one maize crop on the land, 50 per cent of the yield of which goes to the landlord as rent. Cash advances taken for agriculture have to be returned with 100 per cent interest after the harvest. With men away, women have the sole responsibility of caring for their homes and cattle, and hence are forced to look for jobs as wage labour in the surrounding villages. This brings us back full circle to the woman labourer, faced with prospects of sexual harassment, unable to satisfy the needs of her children or nurture personal relationships. Not only in the case of migrant women, but here too, children are gradually drawn into the workforce, in a supportive role, if not directly.

Sacred and Secular False Divide

is essential because it is involvement in the field along with theoretical insights that enables a scholar to meaningfully interpret quantitative data.

Ethnic Conflict in South Asia

Asghar Ali Engineer State, Nation and Ethnicity in South Asia by Ishtiaq Ahmed; Pinter, London and New York, 1996; pp 326, price not stated.
THE whole of south Asia is facing the acute challenge of ethnic trouble, be it Sri Lanka, India. Pakistan, Bangladesh or Bhutan. The process of nation-building is proving to be a most challenging one. Specially so as the former colonial masters had drawn arbitrary boundaries and building cohesive nations within them is no easy task. From hindsight it can be said that it was perhaps easier to get freedom from western imperialism and much more difficult to build nations out of what it left behind. When we were fighting against the British we were united but differences cropped up once they left and the process of nation-building started. Of course communal differences had cropped up before independence itself resulting in the vivisection of the country, but ethnic differences emerged only later.

Intra-Community Violations of Rights-Case of the Bohras

Case of the Bohras Asghar Ali Engineer The Bohras represent the plight of a minority within the Muslim minority, violation of whose constitutional rights by the Bohra priest- head goes unheeded. Even the Muslim leadership, instead of sympathising with the plight of the reformist Bohras, sides with the Syedna in the name of safeguarding minority rights.

Religious Fanaticism and Communalism

Religious Fanaticism and Communalism Asghar Ali Engineer RELIGIOUS fanaticism and communalism are two different things yet they have many similarities. Sometimes it becomes difficult to draw a line between the two. These two words are often used interchangeably though not justifiably. We have to understand their proper connotations. It is always not possible to define every concept correctly and precisely. Each living concept is rooted in human life and, like it, tends to be very complex, hiding within it various dimensions. Yet we cannot do without definitions. We shall try to define both fanaticism and communalism to convey some of their relevant aspects, it not all.

Communalism and Communal Violence, 1996

Violence, 1996 Asghar Ali Engineer Although the year saw communal tensions and flare ups in several sensitive parts of the country, these did not result in large-scale violence. This was due partly to quietening of communal feelings all around which made it difficult for political parties and vested interests to provoke and sustain communal violence.

Communal Violence in Maharashtra

the Lal Nishan Party, with LNP activists not only operating in his unions but even contesting and winning elections on Kamgar Aghadi tickets. Reluctant to associate himself with the IPF in the early 1980s, during the last 10 years Samant had also overcome much of this earlier inhibition. In 1987, he shared a platform with Nagbhushan Patnaik in the workers' convention held by IPF at Ambernath. In September 1995, he addressed the inaugural rally of the AICCTU's Third National Conference in Patna. And since December 1995, his Maharashtra Girni Kamgar Union has been waging joint actions with AICCTU-affiliated textile workers' unions in UP, Gujarat and Bihar under the banner of the Save NTC Action Committee. In the otherwise increasingly bipolar politics of Maharashtra dominated by the Congress and the BJP-Shiv Sena combine, Samant was a consistent advocate of a third front building bridges between the dalit. Left and other secular political streams.

Pakistan Religion, Politics and Society

Pakistan: Religion, Politics and Society Asghar Ali Engineer WAS Pakistan created for Islam or for Muslims, is an important question. There is divided opinion on this. Some ideologues of Pakistan would like to maintain that Pakistan was primarily created for establishing an Islamic state in the Indian sub-continent. Others, who view things more analytically than ideologically, would seriously doubt this proposition. They would rather uphold the view that Pakistan was created to serve the interests of a section of Muslims in pre-independent India. The fact that Maulana Maududi, the founder of the Jamat-e-lslami, kept away from the Pakistan movement, goes to show that. The Maulana was an ideologue of an Islamic state. He had no interest in a secular Pakistan of Jinnah's dream. The Maulana's lack of interest in the Pakistan movement was on account of Jinnah's lack of interest in an Islamic state. Jinnah's main fight was for proper share in power for Muslims and he propounded the theory of two nations only when the Congress slighted him after the 1937 elections in the United Province (UP) and did not take the two Mislim League ministers in the UP cabinet, as informally agreed upon by the Congress.

Tradition and Modernity in Islam

Asghar Ali Engineer Colonisation of Islam by Jamal Malik; Manohar, Delhi, 1996; pp 359.
is the degree to which one attains those goals which governs the value, respect and authority with which one is publicly endowed. This also governs the feeling of power that one experiences. But when a public political order of ranking is lacking, the activity of self-overcoming lacks either a direction, or the conditions of its public significance, that is the public ranking of virtues.

How Muslims Voted

How Muslims Voted Asghar Ali Engineer An analysis of minorities votes shows significant patterns: while it is certainly true that these votes have moved away from the Congress, there is no clear evidence of any particular party preferences. Nor is the BJP's claim of Muslim support borne out by the analysis. Also, there is little indication today, that the Muslim vote is entirely dictated by fatwas' by religious leaders.


Back to Top