Articles by Anand Teltumbde

On 11 July, the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court, comprising justices Uma Nath Singh and Mahendra Dayal, issued an interim order on a public interest litigation (PIL) filed by a local lawyer, Motilal Yadav, banning caste-based rallies throughout Uttar Pradesh (UP) with immediate effect a

Today it is the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation's decision to privatise its schools, tomorrow it may be the resolution of all the other municipalities of the country.

The manner in which Irom Sharmila's demand for the repeal of the draconian Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act has been handled by the Indian state is indicative of its intent to further narrow the scope for democratic protest, even opposition that is centred on the right to life itself. With such actions, the state is subtly communicating to the people that there is no democratic option left in the country.

Why is it that heinous crimes -including the rape and murder of Surekha and Priyanka Bhotmange in Khairlanji - against dalits have failed to provoke anger amongst the larger Indian public? Were they any less gruesome than the recent Delhi gang rape? Even in the case of Khairlanji, despite spontaneous dalit protests lasting for over a month in Maharashtra and beyond, not even the so-called progressives had joined them. It was natural therefore that dalits felt alienated from the upmarket uproar against the Delhi gang rape.

Though Thackeray has been faulted on many counts, an impression has been created that he was anti-caste and, by implication, pro-dalit. The truth is that Thackeray was as unscrupulous in making use of caste as he did in any other matter. His hatred for Babasaheb Ambedkar and his followers was deep-seated.